Resilience

“The Child may not remember, but the body remembers.”

Researchers have recently discovered a dangerous biological syndrome caused by abuse and neglect during childhood. As the new documentary Resilience reveals, toxic stress can trigger hormones that wreak havoc on the brains and bodies of children, putting them at a greater risk for disease, homelessness, prison time, and early death. While the broader impacts of poverty worsen the risk, no segment of society is immune. Resilience, however, also chronicles the dawn of a movement that is determined to fight back. Trailblazers in pediatrics, education, and social welfare are using cutting-edge science and field-tested therapies to protect children from the insidious effects of toxic stress—and the dark legacy of a childhood that no child would choose.

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Boys are equally at risk

Boys in poor urban areas around the world are suffering even more than girls from violence, abuse and neglect, groundbreaking international research published suggests.

The study in the Journal of Adolescent Health, along with similar new research, suggests an adequate focus on helping boys is critical to achieving gender equality in the longer term.

“This is the first global study to investigate how a cluster of traumatic childhood experiences known as ACEs, or adverse childhood experiences, work together to cause specific health issues in early adolescence, with terrible life-long consequences,” Dr. Robert Blum, the lead researcher for the global early adolescent study, said in a statement. “While we found young girls often suffer significantly, contrary to common belief, boys reported even greater exposure to violence and neglect, which makes them more likely to be violent in return.”

The study from Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health looked at childhood traumas suffered by 1,284 adolescents aged 10 to 14 in more than a dozen low-income urban settings around the world such as the United States, China, the U.K., Egypt and Bolivia.

Overall, 46 per cent of young adolescents reported experiencing violence, 38 per cent said they suffered emotional neglect and 29 per cent experienced physical neglect. Boys, however, were more likely to report being victims of physical neglect, sexual abuse and violence.

While higher levels of trauma lead both boys and girls to engage in more violent behaviours, boys are more likely to become violent. Girls tend to show higher levels of depression.

Separately, a new report to be released next month at an international conference in Vancouver concludes that focusing on boys is critical to achieving gender parity. The report from the Bellagio Working Group on Gender Equality — a global coalition of adolescent health experts — finds boys and men are frequently overlooked in the equality equation.

“We cannot achieve a gender-equitable world by ignoring half of its occupants,” the report states. “It is crucial that boys and men be included in efforts to promote gender equality and empowerment.”

For the past six years, a consortium of 15 countries led by the Bloomberg School of Public Health and World Health Organization has been working on the global early adolescent study. The aim is to understand how gender norms are formed in early adolescence and how they predispose young people to sexual and other health risks.

Evidence gathered by the study indicates boys experience as much disadvantage as girls but are more likely to smoke, drink and suffer injury and death in the second decade of life than their female counterparts.

The key to achieving gender equality over the next decade or so — as the United Nations aims to do — involves addressing conditions and stereotypes that are harmful to both girls and boys, the researchers say. They also say it’s crucial to intervene as early as age 10. The norm is now age 15.

“Gender norms, attitudes and beliefs appear to solidify by age 15 or 16,” the working group says. “We must actively engage girls and boys at the onset of adolescence to increase total social inclusion and produce generational change.”

Leena Augimeri, a child mental-health expert with the Child Development Institute in Toronto, agreed with the need to focus on boys as well as girls. At the same time, she said, the genders do require different approaches.

“Boys are equally at risk,” said Augimeri, who was not involved in the studies. “When we look at the various issues that impact our children, we have to look at it from different perspectives and lenses and you can’t think there’s a one fit for all.”

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Crime Prevention Essay

This essay offering a detailed analysis of crime prevention (CP) within and beyond the criminal justice system by providing a categorical breakdown of the different ways of preventing crime. Furthermore this paper will provide theoretical justification and various examples for the different crime prevention approaches. It will also give a comparison, reflect on how their dimensions intersect each other and a critical evaluation for each CP methods.

Historically crime prevention was the main purpose of the police force (Peel, 1829). Since the 19th century, it has changed dramatically from reactive to proactive interventions. By a contemporary definition crime prevention are actions taken by either the individuals or public agencies with a preventive measure in the psychical and social environment in order to change certain behavior and events to reduce the occurrence of a criminal act and minimize the damage caused by it (Crawford 2007; Hughes in McLaughlin and Muncie 2003). These methods can include anticipation of crime, everyday actions like closing doors behind ourselves, using identification cards and passwords, designing products a way that makes them difficult to use if they got stolen. CP can also use approaches that change offenders’ behaviour, environment and personal circumstances. Also several crime prevention policies were implemented and local communities and various agencies got involved such as the Five Towns Initiative and the Neighbourhood Watch. In recent years, crime reduction were used more commonly instead of CP as an indication and desire to not just to prevent, but significantly reduce crime.

We can categorise CP methods by two main dimensions. The first one we can divide in to three categories, such as primary, secondary and tertiary activities. Primary CP targets the general public and its main aim is to prevent crime before it happens. It includes education, socialisation, campaigns, families and community organisations such as Neighbourhood Watch. The Criminal Justice System (CJS) also plays an important role by reinforcing the main moral values and justifying the punishment of criminals (Brantingham and Faust, 1976).

The Secondary CP focuses on ‘at risk’ individuals and situations. Certain policies targets potential offenders, for example young people who are living in areas of high level of criminality or circumstances (homeless) and environment where crime high likely to happen. Schools, sporting institutions, welfare and medical staff are playing an important role in identifying and diverting those ‘at risk’ of offending. By target hardening the situations for ‘at risk’ groups by using surveillance in areas where criminal behaviour is predicted or around the homes of potential victims, crime can be deterred.

The third, tertiary CP deals with known offenders and situations associated with crime. Its main focus to prevent these individuals to offending again, using rehabilitation, diversion, reparation and sentences. It could also involve mediation between the victim and the offender, closed-circuit television (CCTV) in areas where crime often occur and electronic tagging (Davies et al., 2009).

The second dimension lies between the situational and social approaches (Clarke, 1992). The situational or physical CP involves altering the environment, making the offending harder to commit, reducing the chances and allowing the detection much easier (Mayhew et al. 1976). In practice it means for example the environment designed with gates, access control, improved lights, CCTV, banning alcohol consumption from public areas, steering locks and to make compliance easier installing more bins (Home Office Research Study 187, 1998). This is a direct application of environmental criminology, especially Newman’s ‘defensible space’ (1972) and Jeffrey’s (1971) CP through environmental design.

The Kirkholt Project proved that situational CP though window locks, strengthen doors, neighborhood watch schemes and victim support crime rates drops significantly. (Crawford 1998; Pease 2002) However the evaluation of the situational CP is difficult, because of the factor of crime displacement (Crawford 1998). Therefore the offence could happen in a different place, at a different time or by a different means, also the crime may happen against a different target, the type of the crime could change, just as the perpetrator.

The social approach of CP aims ‘at risk’ individuals who are considered most likely to commit an offence and steps in before any crime happens.  This method could be divided by the type interventions applied, such as developmental CP which focusing on personal motivations and behavior, and community crime prevention which targets vulnerable communities (Christie, 1977) and interested in the collective as a whole (Crawford, 2007). Young people are the majority who are involved in social – developmental CP as they are the most affected by certain risk factors, such as low income, impulsiveness, low school attendance, poor parental supervision and housing, broken families, therefore they are ‘at risk’ to commit or become victim of crime (Newburn, 2007: 584). Community CP involve the community, social control (Sampson and Laub, 1993), recreational and mentoring schemes.

This method by its nature provides a long term outcome, expensive, brings very challenging goals and very difficult to evaluate. In the UK several programs were introduced, such as the Youth Inclusion Programme, targeting the ‘top 50’ undeserving between 13 and 16. The results of the program were ambiguous as there was some drop in arrest rates, but the crime rates in the relating areas are increased the same time.

Close to community- crime prevention, but a response oriented approach based on Wilson and Kelling (1982) broken windows theory, anti-social behaviors (ASBOs) has been treated with a zero tolerance policing. The theory suggests that minor crimes such as graffiti, littering and begging would increase the probability of more serious crimes, therefore applying zero tolerance towards these offences will reduce crime rates. The approach was applied in New York by William Bratton in 1994 with a significant success. However when zero tolerance policy was introduced in the UK, it had small impact on crime. This suggest that other factors might have been associated with Bratton’s crime rates (Davies et al., 2009).

Overall CP is a diverse, multidimensional product made of government bodies, local authorities, private sector, criminal justice agencies and people of the public. Crime preventing is not limited to the CJS, but a cooperation between many organizations, individuals and systems. Its success, limited mainly to the situational CP, while it ignores the socio-structural origins of crime and does not have an answer how to deal with expressive crimes (offenses that linked with emotions).

Crime and Disorder Act 1998 required various local entities to consider crime and disorder in relation to designing and building homes, transportation, lighting streets and licensing. However, there are many areas are remain to be involved in CP simply by design, systematic planning or by strict policies (Pease 2002; Tilley 2002).  For instance in private sector, landlords and pub owners, whose neglect their property or allow individuals to use the premise to sell drugs should be included. 

After all, the current implementations of CP methods are showing a diverse picture to us. As above this paper provided diverse examples of methods and results, the development of CP and progress in this area is needed.  However, there is a possibility we might create a ‘fortress society’ by focusing and relying heavily on CP. Heavily protected houses may deter potential offenders, but it may  also create a ‘gated community’ where every- day social interactions almost impossible and with constant surveillance around it might generate more fear and insecurity within the society (Tilley 2002; Crawford 2007).

Some actions could increase our social divisions even further, if we divide our areas to safe and unsafe. People living in unsafe areas could be potentially labelled as dangerous and will be excluded, feared and stigmatized. These division could be further exacerbated by wealth, as some people with more money could afford better security than others (Tilley, 2002).

Furthermore, regarding developmental CP methods, they can be problematic for example how do policies determine ‘at risk’ children or at what age they get targeted. These questions and issues should be addressed as they involve the basic rights, privacy and equity of the individuals in question (Crawford, 2007).

As a conclusion, crime prevention is very important part of the CJS, alongside of many policies. These implementations are definitely have had some success in crime reduction, however there are some topics still remain problematic such as difficult evaluation, displacement, human right issues and dangers of future development of CP. Therefore future studies of crime prevention and more critical examination of methods are required.

Willow

Willow Service is in partnership  between NHS Lothian and the City of Edinburgh Council and they work with a number of different partners to address the social, health and welfare needs of women in the criminal justice system.

Willow aims to:  

  • Improving women’s health, wellbeing and safety
  • Enhancing women’s access to services.
  • Reducing offending behaviour.


They offer a wide range of services to women aged 18 years or older, resident in Edinburgh or returning to Edinburgh from custody. Women participate in a programme 2 days a week involving groupwork and key work support. The programme is designed to meet the specific needs of women and is delivered by a multi-disciplinary team.  The team consists of criminal justice social workers, criminal justice support workers, a nurse, psychologists and a nutritionist. The team provides a range of interventions to:  

  • assess all aspects of physical, mental and sexual health
  • support follow up where necessary
  • help cope with the effects of trauma and abuse
  • consider women’s pasts and support them in planning safely for the future
  • address offending behaviour
  • improve mental health and well being
  • develop new skills and coping strategies
  • address substance use problems
  • develop plans for education, training and employability
  • provide new social experiences and relationships
  • link women into services. 

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Moving on

Moving on shows Lucy, the victim of a mugging, replaying events endlessly in her mind. Only when she meets the mugger in a restorative justice conference is she able to put the incident behind her – it gives her a chance to explain the impact of the crime, and humanises him in the process.

Apex Scotland

Apex Scotland’s work is about reducing re-offending, promoting desistance, tackling deprivation and making communities safer.

Those who are at risk of (re)offending are given the education, support and opportunities they need to change their behaviour, become effective citizens and live a fulfilling life.

There are many reasons why people get involved in crime. Often the people who use Apex Scotland services have been both the victims and perpetrators of crime. Their needs are both complex and varied and Apex believe that each person should receive the service that is best for them. The staff are committed to engaging with the people they work with, helping them to progress through the areas in their lives which, at that time, require more support and guidance towards a positive destination.