The Evolution of Social Work in Scotland: From Radical Vision to Contemporary Challenges

The history of social work in Scotland over the past forty years has been shaped by two major reports: Social Work and the Community (1966) and Changing Lives (2006). These documents represent key moments in the evolution of a profession that has struggled to maintain its identity and influence while adapting to shifting political, social, and economic landscapes. The transformation of Scottish social work from a radical vision of social equality to a profession increasingly bound by bureaucratic constraints and market-driven policies encapsulates broader trends in welfare provision.

The publication of Social Work and the Community in 1966 marked the beginning of modern social work in Scotland. It was a time of optimism and reform, inspired by the Kilbrandon Report of 1964, which emphasized the need for a unified and proactive approach to addressing social problems. The report envisioned social work as a force for social change, capable of tackling not only individual issues but broader societal inequalities. Unlike the reforms in England and Wales, Scotland’s approach was notably radical, seeking not just to streamline services but to create a profession deeply embedded in community welfare and activism.

The 1968 Social Work (Scotland) Act formalized this vision, establishing social work as a single, unified profession encompassing various specialist roles, including probation officers, child welfare workers, and psychiatric social workers. The Act also introduced Children’s Panels, a distinctive Scottish institution that replaced juvenile courts with a welfare-oriented approach to dealing with young offenders. These reforms positioned Scotland at the forefront of progressive social policy, earning admiration for their coherence and ambition. The creation of a unified social work profession was a significant step forward, one that promised greater efficiency, improved service coordination, and a holistic approach to social welfare.

However, the success of the profession was contingent upon maintaining strong political alliances, particularly with regional governments and the Scottish Office. The Association of Directors of Social Work (ADSW), established in 1969, played a critical role in shaping policy and advocating for the profession. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, social work departments enjoyed considerable influence, particularly within the large regional councils such as Strathclyde. These councils championed social work as a tool for addressing poverty and social injustice, reinforcing the profession’s ideological commitment to state-led welfare provision. Regional councils provided the structural backbone for social work, allowing it to integrate effectively with other public services, such as education and housing, ensuring a coordinated response to social issues.

The 1980s, however, introduced a series of challenges that tested the resilience of Scottish social work. The Thatcher government’s policies of privatization and reduced public spending threatened the foundational principles of the 1968 Act. While Scottish social work had initially resisted the tide of market-driven reforms, the introduction of the Griffiths Report in 1988 marked a turning point. The report advocated for a mixed economy of care, shifting responsibilities from the state to voluntary and private providers. While ADSW initially opposed these changes, it ultimately had to adapt to the new reality, signaling a departure from the profession’s original vision of comprehensive state provision. This shift was not just ideological but practical, as funding constraints made it increasingly difficult for local authorities to sustain public service dominance.

Further crises in the early 1990s compounded social work’s difficulties. The Orkney child abuse case of 1991, in which children were removed from their homes based on unproven allegations of satanic ritual abuse, severely damaged public trust in the profession. The subsequent Clyde Report (1992) criticized social workers for overreach and lack of accountability, leading to increased scrutiny and regulation. This period marked the beginning of a shift away from professional autonomy toward greater bureaucratic oversight. The media portrayal of social workers as overzealous and intrusive further eroded public confidence, making it more challenging for social work departments to operate without intense scrutiny.

By the mid-1990s, the landscape of Scottish social work had changed dramatically. The dissolution of regional councils in 1996 fragmented the profession, creating 32 smaller local authorities with varying levels of resources and expertise. The abolition of the requirement for local authorities to appoint a professionally qualified Director of Social Work further diminished the profession’s standing. No longer at the ‘top table’ of government, social work became increasingly subordinate to managerial and financial constraints, limiting its ability to act as a transformative force in society. Local authorities struggled to maintain the same level of service provision, as smaller budgets and fewer resources led to a more reactive rather than proactive approach.

Against this backdrop, the publication of Changing Lives in 2006 sought to redefine social work for the 21st century. While the report reaffirmed the importance of a generic profession with a distinct body of knowledge and skills, it also acknowledged the numerous challenges facing social workers. These included excessive bureaucracy, unrealistic public expectations, and a lack of professional confidence. Unlike the 1966 report, which positioned social work as a driver of social change, Changing Lives emphasized a more pragmatic approach—focusing on targeted, individualized interventions rather than broad societal reform. The report encouraged a more flexible and responsive approach, one that balanced professional autonomy with structured oversight.

The report also introduced the concept of ‘Reserved Functions of the Social Worker,’ defining specific roles that only qualified social workers could perform. This was an attempt to clarify professional jurisdiction and restore a sense of professional identity. However, the broader context of market-driven welfare and increased managerialism meant that social work’s role was now more about navigating complex service structures than leading systemic change. The impact of this shift was profound, as social workers found themselves increasingly engaged in risk management and procedural compliance rather than direct social intervention.

The evolution of Scottish social work from the radical optimism of the 1960s to the constrained pragmatism of the 21st century reflects broader trends in welfare provision. While the profession has retained its commitment to social justice, its ability to enact meaningful change has been curtailed by political and economic pressures. The challenge moving forward is to reclaim a sense of professional autonomy and redefine the role of social work in a rapidly changing society. Changing Lives may have marked a departure from the revolutionary aspirations of the past, but it also offers an opportunity for Scottish social workers to critically reassess their position and reassert their relevance in an increasingly fragmented and market-oriented landscape. The question remains: can social work in Scotland recapture its original mission, or will it continue to be reshaped by external forces beyond its control?

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Building Bridges with Young Children: The Transformative Power of Third Object Techniques in Social Work

Janice Mitchell’s exploration of the third object technique, as described in “Letters from a Kangaroo,” presents an innovative method of engaging with pre-school children in social work practice. Her approach underscores the importance of creative strategies to facilitate communication and build trust with young children, particularly those who have experienced disruption or instability in their lives. By adopting a third object—a letter-writing kangaroo named Joey—Mitchell demonstrates how such a medium can act as a bridge, fostering meaningful interactions between the social worker and the child.

Mitchell begins by addressing a gap in social work literature, noting that it often focuses more on the inhibitors of communication rather than providing practical tools for engaging young children. To address this, she turned to her own experiences and literature on early language and concept development, finding that young children often understand far more than they can express verbally. This realization became the foundation for her innovative third object technique, which she tested during a placement at a Children’s Centre in Edinburgh. This setting, catering to children from six weeks to five years old, provided her with an opportunity to observe and interact with children directly, outside of the typical adult-mediated communication often found in social work contexts.

The cornerstone of Mitchell’s approach was the introduction of Joey, a nursery-aged kangaroo who communicated with children through letters filled with illustrations and simple messages. This method drew inspiration from established social work theories and practices, such as Clare Winnicott’s emphasis on the importance of third objects in engaging children and D.W. Winnicott’s recognition of the therapeutic value of play and imagination. Joey’s letters were not just a novelty; they provided a “safe and neutral area” where children could freely express themselves without the pressure of direct questioning. The letters were tailored to the children’s developmental levels and interests, incorporating images of Joey engaging in familiar activities like painting or visiting the zoo. Each child was invited to reply to Joey’s letters, often through drawings or dictated messages, creating a reciprocal and dynamic interaction.

The responses from the children were overwhelmingly positive. Even the youngest participants, some as young as eighteen months, displayed enthusiasm and engagement with the letters. The older children, aged four and above, quickly grasped the concept of writing letters and developed a sense of connection with Joey, often referring to him as a friend and asking thoughtful questions about him. For example, one child wondered if Joey was scared of ghosts, while another speculated about Joey’s size. This imaginative engagement not only made the sessions enjoyable but also provided insights into the children’s thoughts and emotions.

For younger children or those with limited verbal skills, the letter-writing sessions offered an alternative means of expression. Some children preferred drawing or tracing around a model kangaroo, while others used the sessions to enact imaginary scenarios. Mitchell observed that these activities often led to spontaneous sharing of personal experiences or anxieties. One child, who was often ostracized by peers, spoke about his lack of friends at his previous nursery but expressed happiness in having Joey as a “special friend.” Another child, struggling with fears of “ghosties” and “bogeymans,” used the sessions to articulate her nighttime anxieties. These examples highlight how the third object technique can create a non-threatening environment where children feel safe to explore and communicate their feelings.

The technique also revealed the importance of individualized attention in a nursery setting. Staff members noted the children’s excitement and engagement with the sessions and recognized the value of providing similar one-on-one interactions in their daily routines. Mitchell herself found the experience deeply rewarding, noting that the structured yet flexible nature of the sessions made them more manageable than traditional interviews. She emphasized the need for patience and a willingness to follow the child’s lead, allowing the conversation to flow naturally rather than imposing adult expectations or questions.

Mitchell’s reflections underscore the broader implications of her work for social workers. She argues that building a trusting relationship with a young child is essential, particularly when the social worker may need to make significant decisions affecting the child’s life. The third object technique, such as the use of Joey’s letters, offers a practical and effective way to achieve this, even for social workers who may initially feel uncertain about engaging with pre-school children. By providing a structured yet child-centered approach, this method helps bridge the gap between professional expertise and the child’s unique perspective.

In conclusion, “Letters from a Kangaroo” illustrates the potential of creative and imaginative techniques in social work practice with young children. Mitchell’s use of Joey as a third object not only facilitated communication but also highlighted the rich inner lives of pre-school children and their capacity for connection and expression. Her work serves as a reminder that effective social work requires not only theoretical knowledge but also a willingness to experiment, adapt, and engage with children on their own terms. By doing so, social workers can build the trust and understanding necessary to support children through challenging times and help them navigate their worlds with greater confidence and resilience.

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The State of Homelessness in Scotland

The Homelessness Monitor: Scotland 2021 provides an extensive analysis of the factors driving homelessness, focusing on the effects of economic policies, housing issues, and the COVID-19 pandemic. The report highlights both the progress made and the challenges still faced by Scotland in its mission to reduce homelessness, particularly its “core” forms like rough sleeping, sofa surfing, and unsuitable temporary accommodation.

Economic and Policy Context

Prior to the pandemic, Scotland had seen an increase in statutory homelessness, which refers to households legally recognized as homeless. Between 2016 and 2020, homelessness increased by 10%, with 27,571 households classified as legally homeless in 2020-21. However, the pandemic contributed to a temporary decline in homelessness rates due to government interventions such as eviction bans and increased welfare support. Despite this, homelessness was not uniformly reduced across Scotland, with areas like Glasgow experiencing less reduction compared to regions like Edinburgh.

The number of people in temporary accommodation, though initially stable at around 10,000, surged during the pandemic. By March 2021, over 13,000 households were living in temporary accommodation, an increase that reflected both an immediate need for safe housing during the pandemic and systemic issues within housing supply and distribution.

Core Homelessness and Rough Sleeping

The most severe forms of homelessness—referred to as “core homelessness”—affect individuals who are rough sleeping, sofa surfing, or living in unsuitable accommodations like hostels or bed and breakfasts (B&Bs). In 2019, an estimated 14,250 households experienced core homelessness, a rate that is lower in Scotland (0.57%) compared to England (0.94%) and Wales (0.66%). Sofa surfing was the most prevalent form, with over 7,900 people affected. Rough sleeping was estimated at 900 individuals nightly, but the pandemic led to significant reductions, particularly in cities like Glasgow and Edinburgh.

The Impact of COVID-19

The COVID-19 pandemic forced the Scottish Government to implement emergency measures to house rough sleepers and those in shared accommodations. The introduction of hotel-based housing and the provision of additional funding to homeless services helped reduce rough sleeping to historically low levels during the pandemic. However, issues like exploitation and crime in some temporary accommodations, particularly in Glasgow, raised concerns about the safety of individuals housed in these emergency solutions.

One positive outcome from the pandemic was the enhanced cooperation between local authorities, homelessness services, and health and social care organizations. This collaboration resulted in better access to support services for individuals with complex needs, although challenges remain in sustaining these efforts beyond the pandemic.

Policy Measures and Recommendations

Several policy initiatives are highlighted as crucial in the fight against homelessness. The “Ending Homelessness Together” plan, introduced by the Scottish Government in 2018, aims to eliminate homelessness by focusing on rapid rehousing and prevention. Local authorities developed Rapid Rehousing Transition Plans (RRTPs) to reduce reliance on temporary accommodations by prioritizing settled housing options. However, the implementation of these plans has been hindered by resource limitations, and many authorities have expressed concern over the underfunding of these initiatives.

Housing First programs, which offer permanent housing to individuals with complex needs, have shown promise, with over 500 tenancies created since the program’s inception. Tenancy sustainment rates are high, and the approach has been widely adopted by local authorities, though challenges remain in scaling these efforts.

Moreover, the Unsuitable Accommodation Order, which limits the use of B&Bs and hotels for families and pregnant women, was extended to cover all households. Despite delays due to the pandemic, this extension marks a significant step in improving temporary accommodation conditions for homeless individuals.

Future Directions

The report emphasizes the need for sustained investment in housing and homelessness prevention measures to achieve long-term reductions in homelessness. Increasing the supply of affordable housing, particularly in high-demand areas like Edinburgh, is seen as essential. Additionally, policies that raise Local Housing Allowance rates and improve access to the private rental market are identified as key to preventing homelessness in the future.

The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the importance of flexibility in responding to homelessness and the need for integrated approaches across sectors. While Scotland has made notable progress in reducing core homelessness, particularly rough sleeping, ongoing challenges, such as the availability of affordable housing and the full implementation of rapid rehousing policies, remain central to addressing the homelessness crisis.

Conclusion

Scotland’s journey toward ending homelessness has been marked by significant policy innovation and progress, yet challenges persist, particularly in light of the economic and social disruptions caused by the pandemic. The Homelessness Monitor: Scotland 2021 underscores that while Scotland’s approach to homelessness is more progressive than that of its UK counterparts, sustained investment, robust implementation of homelessness prevention policies, and an expansion of affordable housing are critical to achieving lasting reductions in homelessness.

In the years ahead, Scotland’s ability to maintain its focus on rapid rehousing, support vulnerable individuals, and work collaboratively across government and non-government sectors will determine whether it can become a global leader in ending homelessness altogether.

Strengthening Bonds: Family Group Decision-Making in Scotland

Introduction

In the rich tapestry of societal structures, families play an integral role in shaping individual lives and communities. In Scotland, the significance of family is deeply ingrained in the culture, and this is reflected in the approach to decision-making within families. The concept of Family Group Decision-Making (FGDM) has gained prominence as a powerful tool that emphasizes inclusivity, collaboration, and empowerment. This article delves into the intricacies of FGDM in Scotland, exploring how it fosters unity, strengthens relationships, and empowers families to make pivotal decisions collectively.

Understanding Family Group Decision-Making

Family Group Decision-Making is a participatory process that involves a family, extended family members, and professionals coming together to address concerns, solve problems, and make decisions that impact the lives of family members. Rooted in the belief that families are best positioned to understand their own dynamics, needs, and strengths, FGDM prioritizes open communication and joint decision-making. By bringing multiple perspectives to the table, the process aims to reach comprehensive, well-informed solutions.

The Scottish Approach: Community-Centric Decision-Making

Scotland’s approach to FGDM echoes its commitment to community empowerment and social justice. The Scottish Government’s emphasis on the well-being of families aligns seamlessly with the principles of FGDM. The process is not limited to specific challenges but extends to a range of decisions, from child protection and care arrangements to addressing family conflicts and crises.

Benefits of Family Group Decision-Making

Inclusivity and Empowerment: FGDM recognizes the value of diverse voices within a family. By involving extended family members, individuals who are often overlooked in decision-making gain a platform to contribute their perspectives. This fosters a sense of empowerment and belonging, reinforcing the idea that everyone’s input matters.
Strengthens Relationships: Engaging in open dialogue and collaborative decision-making can mend strained relationships. The process encourages family members to communicate their feelings, concerns, and aspirations openly, leading to better mutual understanding and improved connections.
Tailored Solutions: Families possess unique insights into their dynamics, values, and needs. FGDM recognizes this and allows families to craft solutions that align with their specific circumstances, ensuring more effective outcomes compared to top-down approaches.
Accountability and Responsibility: When families collectively decide on solutions, there is a shared sense of responsibility for their implementation. This accountability can lead to greater compliance and a higher likelihood of positive change.
Reduced Stigma: Traditional decision-making methods often involve external interventions that can stigmatize families facing challenges. FGDM, being family-driven, promotes a non-judgmental atmosphere that encourages families to address issues without fear of social scrutiny.

Implementation and Challenges

Implementing FGDM involves careful coordination among professionals, families, and communities. Challenges such as logistical issues, cultural sensitivity, and the need for skilled facilitators can arise. Moreover, ensuring that power dynamics within families do not impede the decision-making process is crucial. Addressing these challenges requires ongoing training, resources, and collaboration among all stakeholders.

Conclusion

In Scotland, the practice of Family Group Decision-Making exemplifies the nation’s commitment to fostering strong, resilient families. By giving families the tools and agency to collaboratively address challenges and make decisions, FGDM transcends traditional approaches and promotes inclusivity, unity, and empowerment. As Scotland continues to champion community-centric solutions, the adoption and refinement of FGDM stand as a testament to the country’s enduring dedication to the well-being of its citizens.

Criminal Justice Social Work in Scotland

Criminal Justice Social Work in Scotland is an essential component of the Scottish justice system. Social work professionals play a crucial role in ensuring the safety of communities, supporting the rehabilitation of offenders, and reducing the rate of re-offending. This essay aims to provide an overview of the Scottish criminal justice system, the role of criminal justice social work in Scotland, and the challenges faced by social work professionals in this field.

The Scottish criminal justice system has evolved over time, and it operates under a distinct legal system from that of England and Wales. The Scottish legal system is based on common law, and it has a unique approach to criminal justice. The Scottish justice system emphasizes rehabilitation, and it is designed to provide offenders with the necessary support to prevent re-offending. The system is centered on the concept of “community justice,” which aims to bring together different organizations, including social work, to address the underlying causes of offending.

Criminal Justice Social Work in Scotland is the practice of social work within the criminal justice system. Social work professionals in this field provide a range of services, including pre-sentence reports, court reports, supervision, and support for offenders, victims, and their families. The work of criminal justice social workers is vital in ensuring that offenders are held accountable for their actions, but also that they receive the necessary support to prevent re-offending. Social workers help offenders to address the underlying issues that led to their offending, such as addiction, mental health problems, or poverty.

One of the key features of the Scottish criminal justice system is the use of community-based sentences. Community sentences are designed to address the underlying causes of offending and provide offenders with the necessary support to prevent re-offending. Community sentences can include community service, electronic monitoring, and supervision by a social worker. Social workers in Scotland play a crucial role in the implementation of community-based sentences. They work closely with offenders to help them comply with the conditions of their sentence and provide the necessary support to address the underlying causes of their offending.

The role of criminal justice social workers in Scotland is not without its challenges. Social work professionals in this field face a range of complex issues, including working with offenders who have committed serious and violent crimes, dealing with the impact of poverty and inequality on offending, and managing the risk of re-offending. The work of criminal justice social workers requires a high level of skill, knowledge, and expertise. It is essential that social work professionals in this field receive the necessary support and training to carry out their role effectively.

In conclusion, Criminal Justice Social Work in Scotland is a vital component of the Scottish justice system. Social work professionals in this field play a crucial role in ensuring the safety of communities, supporting the rehabilitation of offenders, and reducing the rate of re-offending. The Scottish criminal justice system is centered on the concept of community justice, which emphasizes the importance of bringing together different organizations, including social work, to address the underlying causes of offending. While the role of criminal justice social workers in Scotland is not without its challenges, their work is essential in helping offenders to address the issues that led to their offending and providing the necessary support to prevent re-offending.

Challenges Social Workers face in Scotland

There are several challenges facing social workers in Scotland, some of the major ones include:

Funding and resource constraints: Social work services in Scotland are facing increasing pressure to deliver effective services with limited resources, including funding cuts and reduced staffing levels. This can make it difficult for social workers to provide adequate support to those who need it most.
High caseloads and workload pressures: Social workers often face high caseloads and demanding workloads, which can impact their ability to provide quality care to each individual client. This can lead to burnout and high staff turnover, which further exacerbates the problem.
Complex and challenging cases: Social workers are often tasked with managing complex and challenging cases, such as child protection, domestic abuse, and mental health. These cases can be emotionally demanding, and social workers need to have a high level of skills, knowledge, and support to effectively manage them.
Professional burnout and stress: Social work is a challenging and emotionally demanding profession, and many social workers face high levels of stress and burnout as a result. This can impact their well-being, job satisfaction, and ability to provide effective services.
Lack of support and recognition: Despite the important work that social workers do, they often receive little recognition or support from the wider community. This can contribute to a feeling of professional isolation and a lack of motivation to continue working in the field.

These challenges highlight the need for sustained investment and support for social work services in Scotland, including adequate funding, sufficient staffing levels, and ongoing training and professional development opportunities for social workers.

Copenhagen strives to fix drug problem

Authorities in Copenhagen are set to open a second facility where drug addicts can shoot up under the supervision of social workers. The goal was to clean up the capital’s streets, but not everyone’s happy.

It’s a grey and rainy Wednesday morning in Vesterbro, Copenhagen’s former meat-packing district, but 40-year-old drug addict Annette is in a buoyant mood. Relaxing in a light and airy first floor office in the city’s drug consumption house, she told DW why this place has changed her life.

“Until quite recently I was homeless. The only options I had when I needed to take drugs were to hide in a basement or huddle behind a car – in the snow sometimes.”

The “fixing room” – as the Danes call it – allows users to inject hard drugs away from the streets, without fear of being arrested. (Nurses and social workers make up the staff at Copenhagen’s fixing room.)

“It can be hard to find a good vein on a drug user and often I’d have to try 15 times before I hit the right one. It was deeply unpleasant, but that’s what life was like for me.”

Hard tracks

The past six years of drug abuse have taken their toll on Annette’s body. Her cheeks are hollow; her denim jacket hangs loosely over her tiny frame, and all but one of her teeth are missing. Perhaps her upbeat demeanor is down to her having flushed cocaine into her veins shortly before I met her. But this safe haven for addicts has given her some dignity back, she says.

“I don’t need to hide anymore or be afraid that someone walking past while I’m shooting up in public might kick me and say: ‘Get out of my way, junkie.’ … My drug habits shouldn’t be anyone else’s business.”

While there have been more than 60 overdoses in the fixing room since it opened last year, no one has died. Drug dealing is not tolerated inside and police are a constant presence outside the yellow brick building, keeping a watchful eye on those hovering at the entrance.

While the surrounding area has been gentrified, the square next to the facility has been the center of Scandinavia’s biggest open drug scene since the late 1970s. Each day, between 500 and 800 people linked to drugs come to the area says manager Rasmus Koberg Christiansen.

Inspired by similar facilities in Germany, Switzerland and Spain, social workers and local residents campaigned for a consumption room in Vesterbro, in the hope of reducing death by overdose and dirty needles left lying in the streets. When a new government came to power in Denmark in 2011, funding was made available.

“After the first day, there had been 130 injections in the consumption room. We thought if we could have between 100 and 200 injections within a year, it would be a success. So after one day, we had achieved the goal. Now we see between 200-300 injections in the room a day,” says Christiansen.

According to a report from Copenhagen Council, the amount of drug paraphernalia left lying around the streets has been reduced by more than half since the drug consumption room opened.

However, while there may be less dirty needles in the area, the number of drug users in the area has not dropped.

“This place is only part of the solution. Our goal is to provide clean, calm and safe drug injections for the people who are using drugs in this area. But if the users tell us they want to do something else with their lives than take drugs, we can help them get treatment.”

Public reaction

“We are blessed that this neighborhood is positive about drug consumption. The problem is that the very close neighbors are very frustrated. That is very understandable, because of course we provide the service, but the users are still here and they can be very emotional, loud and sometimes violent.”

That frustration is strongly felt by Michael Knudsen, the caretaker of Rystensteen Gymnasium, the high school across the road.

“When the fixing room opened last year, we went along with it because they said it was temporary. But we were worried because we thought it would mean more drug users on our doorstep, and unfortunately that’s exactly what happened,” he says.

“Sometimes drug addicts will enter the school premises, use our toilets and computers and smartphones will disappear. Despite the fact that there’s a consumption room right there, they still inject drugs right under our noses and that scares our students. We even caught one of them selling drugs inside the school recently. Sometimes they are aggressive and it’s just a bad situation for us. Our students don’t feel safe,” he says.

While Knudsen has sympathy for what the fixing room does for improving the lives of drug addicts, he says the school wants it to go.

“We’ll have to find a political solution to this to move it somewhere else. We’re all in favor of helping drug users, but we just can’t live with the facility being ten meters from our students.”

Clearly living next door to where drug addicts are injecting is a challenge and the expansion of the consumption room this month is likely to provoke more anger. But the idea of giving addicts some dignity back and cleaning up the streets seems to have caught on – recently a British government minister went on a fact-finding mission to Copenhagen to see how the fixing room worked. Brighton Council in the south of England is now considering opening something similar.

In Scotland under the current legal framework this kind of facility does not exist (and will not, until the law changes) as the Police would have no discretion in the matter of arresting people who possess drugs. However in order to fight Scotland drug problems we should first reduce the harm these substances with an NHS initiative as this epidemic is a public health issue primarily.

The number of drug-related deaths increased by 27% in 2018 to reach 1,187 – the largest number ever recorded and more than double the number recorded a decade ago. Most of the increase in drug-related death rates has occurred in the 35-44 year old and 45-54 year old age groups. Greater Glasgow & Clyde had the highest rate at 0.23 per 1,000 population, followed by Tayside and Ayrshire & Arran with rates of 0.18 and 0.17 per 1,000 population respectively. National Records of Scotland

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The Valuable Role of Independent Prison Monitors

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That the Parliament acknowledges that, on 31 August 2015, the first independent prison monitors (IPM) went into Scotland’s 15 prisons, including HMP Glenochil in Clackmannanshire, to ensure humane treatment and conditions for prisoners; believes that, in the months leading up to the launch, HM Inspectorate of Prisons for Scotland (HMIPS) had been on a journey of change by developing a new structure for prison monitoring to replace the previous work done by the long-established prison visiting committees; notes that IPMs are volunteers from communities who visit prisons on at least a weekly basis to observe practices and to speak to prisoners about their experiences; understands that this information about conditions and treatment is collated and that the regional and national findings help detect patterns and provide information for continuous improvement; notes that this system is supported by a team of four prison monitoring co-ordinators based at HMIPS along with an advisory group with expertise in human rights, criminology, prisons and healthcare; acknowledges that each IPM holds statutory authority under the Public Services Reform (Inspection and Monitoring of Prisons) (Scotland) Order 2015; believes that the IPMs play an essential role in the justice system in aiming to ensure that prisoners’ human rights are upheld and that life in prison contributes to rehabilitation; considers that the IPM system has brought a new group of people from a wide range of backgrounds into prisons to act as the eyes and ears of prisoners and their families, and believes that the commitment, motivation and enthusiasm of the growing team of IPMs has been tangible over the last four years and this system has gone a long way to improving Scotland’s prisons, as well as informing best practice in independent monitoring to protect prisoners’ human rights.

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Murder Trial: The Disappearance of Margaret Fleming

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A mystery disappearance, a suspected secret guarded for 16 years, a murder trial in search of answers – two-part documentary Murder Trial: The Disappearance of Margaret Fleming has unprecedented access to the investigation and subsequent trial of co-accused Edward Cairney and Avril Jones.

Filmed by Bafta Scotland award-winning director Matt Pinder, this groundbreaking documentary takes the audience into the very centre of the trial at Glasgow’s High Court and beyond as carers Cairney and Jones face trial for the murder of 35-year-old Margaret Fleming.

Offering a compelling insight into the work of the police and prosecutors in bringing the two suspects to trial, the documentary also shines a light on the work of the defence teams representing the two accused of Margaret’s murder.

In 2016, an application for a Personal Independence Payment raised suspicions. When authorities couldn’t contact the applicant, the police were called, and it was discovered that a 35-year-old woman had seemingly vanished from a village on the west coast of Scotland. Margaret Fleming was a vulnerable adult understood by authorities to be in the full-time care of Cairney and Jones, living in a remote coastal property in the village of Inverkip. But when police started questioning Margaret’s friends and family, they were told no-one had seen her since 1999. In the 2019 murder trial that unfolds, Cairney and Jones stand accused of killing her, disposing of her body and claiming benefits in her name for 16 years.

With remarkable in-court access to an unfolding trial that gripped Scotland, Murder Trial: The Disappearance of Margaret Fleming tells the story of a prosecution without a body and a community without answers. Filmed both inside and outside of the courtroom, this case takes viewers deep into the inner workings of Scotland’s justice system as a small community is coming to terms with the prospect of a potentially brutal and calculated crime occurring unnoticed in its midst.

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